Tuesday, February 17, 2009

The Chen Corruption Case: A Painful Lesson for Corporate Heads

The Chen Corruption Case: A Painful Lesson for Corporate Heads
United Daily News editorial (Taipei, Taiwan, ROC)
A Translation
February 17, 2009

Before the Chen Corruption Scandal exploded, who knew people could be so greedy? Before the Chen Corruption Scandal exploded, who knew government/business collusion could be so appallingly ugly?

Ah-Bian and Ah-Chen's power and greed were in direct proportional to each other. The greater their power, the more closely knit their government/business connections, the more insatiable their greed. When they first entered the political arena, they had yet to establish relations with wealthy industrialists. Their sponsors were primarily small and medium business owners who supported the "dang wai" movement. These people were close to the Chen family from early on. But as long as they did not allow themselves to be seduced by Chen Shui-bian's ever-growing power, as long as they did not attempt to gain illicit financial advantage, they were spared involvement in the Chen family's corruption scandals. Those who chose to become Ah-Bian and Ah-Chen's partners in crime, such as Wu Shu-chen's former classmate Tsai Mei-li, long supported each other out of friendship. Their association with the Chen family degenerated to the point where entire families became Chen family accomplices. They brought pressure to bear upon government agencies, they exploited their connections to win sweetheart contracts, they even brokered financial industry deals. By exploiting their political and business connections, they amassed vast sums of illicit wealth.

During Chen Shui-bian's term as Taipei Mayor the Chen family began collecting so-called "campaign contributions." They also began depositing their money offshore. But it wasn't until Chen Shui-bian's first term as president that people discovered to what depths this former crusader against "black gold" politics had sunk, and the depth of his involvement in government/business collusion. Only after the State Affairs Fund scandal erupted, did people realize Chen Shui-bian's self-imposed 50% pay cut upon taking office was an act. The State Affairs Funds the Chen family applied for and obtained using forged receipts far exceeded his salary. The Red Shirt Army movement to end corruption and depose Ah-Bian, held a month long sit-in at Ketagelan Boulevard. Chen Shui-bian blasted those who accused him of corruption. Wu Shu-chen meanwhile quietly busied herself moving money out of the country. This money came out of the pockets of industry tycoons. Based on figures Wu Shu-chen provided the Special Investigation Unit, the funds add up to at least 1.8 billion NT.

Industrial tycoons offered Ah-Bian and Ah-Chen anywhere from tens of millions to hundreds of millions in commissions, bribes, and corporate campaign contributions. The wives of wealthy cronies provided invoices for the State Affairs Fund. Construction company owners provided bribes to building committee jurors and government officials. The chairmen of holding companies involved in the Second Financial Reform scandal, and high-tech company heads, all made pilgrimages to the president's official residence, each with their own motives. Some were extremely wealthy. They merely enjoyed moving about within the circles of power. They considered it a matter of pride to be able to come and go from the president's official residence. These famous tycoons enjoyed showing off before the public. Others may not have wanted anything in particular from the Chen family. But because everyone was giving gifts, why not give one as well? Giving gifts was like taking out an insurance policy. Some may have been in financial straits. Some needed to expand their businesses. Giving large sums of money was like paying an admission price. It was a chance to get oneself out of a financial bind. Their motivations may have been different. Their eventual fates may also be different. For some of them, the jig is already up. For others, the alarms have just been sounded. But at this stage, they all wish they could turn the clock back.

Government/business collusion was not always as appallingly ugly as it was under the Chen regime. During Two Chiangs Era, government and business were kept entirely separate. Any official who dared to open the back door, who accepted entertainment or hospitality from merchants, would be in serious trouble once he was found out. Chiang Ching-kuo had a son-in-law who was a businessman, who brooded for years. When Lee Teng-hui assumed office government and business converged for the first time, he publicly declared "The Government's job is to help capitalists make money." He moved government/business collusion out of the back rooms and put it right on the table, for all the world to see. Government officials dining in public with business leaders became commonplace. KMT party enterprises boss Liu Tai-ying became the man at the heart of the government/business web. But although the gates to "black gold" had been thrown open, few political appointees had the audacity to set prices for government/business collusion. Still less did they have the audacity to secretly launder billions in illicit or illegal funds overseas. .

During the earlier part of Chen Shui-bian's eight years in office, Chen Shui-bian's template for government/business collusion was Lee Teng-hui. During the latter part of his term, the pupil surpassed the teacher. Government/business collusion has expanded from the first generation of wealthy tycoons, to the second generation. They have expanded from traditional industries to the financial industry and high-tech industries. The son of a category three impoverished household became the godfather of both the government and business realms. The result was, from the Presidential Office, through the Executive Yuan, and on down through the various ministries, Chen regime political appointees set a new record for incidents of corruption. Even he and his own family members have become defendants. A man who was once the president is now in jail. The details of his scandal have been circulated around the world. These shocking instances of government/business collusion have gradually been exposed. Admittedly, Chen Shui-bian victimized those corporate leaders. But weren't those corporate leaders also abetting Chen Shui-bian's crimes?

The Chen family scandal has provided us with an object lesson about government/business collusion. Ah-Bian and Ah-Chen's ugly greed has provided posterity with a cautionary tale. The ROC must move toward clean government. Those who wield power will invariably be tempted, but they may not barter power in exchange for wealth. Conversely, business owners must have the courage to "just say no" to those in authority. They may not exchange wealth for illicit business advantage.

The Chen family corruption case has provided a warning to those in authority, and an object lesson to those in business.

扁案也是企業老闆們的血淚教材
【聯合報╱社論】
2009.02.17 02:19 am

沒經過扁案,不知道人可以這麼貪;沒經過扁案,也不知道政商關係這隻巨獸,竟能如此醜惡恐怖。

扁珍的權力與貪欲互成正比,他們的權力愈大,政商網絡愈織愈密,貪欲也就愈大。初入政壇時,他們跟豪門巨富尚未攀上關係,金主多是義挺黨外的中小企業人士,這些早年和扁家熟識的人,只要沒被陳水扁愈來愈大的權力沖昏頭,未絞盡腦汁鑽營更大利益,幸皆未捲入扁家今天的貪瀆風暴。至於與扁珍一同腐化的人,如南港案中的吳淑珍同學蔡美利等人,則從早年的情義相挺,惡質演變到幾乎全家族都成了扁的共犯,施壓政府機關,特權招攬工程,甚至還當起了金錢遊戲的掮客,透過政商特權,四出藉端藉勢聚斂錢財。

扁家是從陳水扁在台北市長任內,開始陸續累積所謂的「政治獻金」,也開始陸續把錢移往海外。但直到陳水扁總統首任,恐沒人相信以批判黑金著稱的他竟會大搞政商關係,貪汙至此地步;國務機要費案爆發後,大家才知道原來陳水扁就任宣示薪水減半根本是玩假的,因為扁家運用發票按月抱走了遠超過他薪資的大筆國務費。紅衫軍反貪倒扁,靜坐凱道一個月,陳水扁人前聲色俱厲痛批指控他貪腐的人,吳淑珍人後卻悶聲不吭地拚命搬錢匯出,這些來自企業大老闆的錢,其數額在吳淑珍遞給特偵組的陳報狀裡,就至少有十八億之多。

那些向扁珍進奉上千萬到數億不等佣金、賄款或獻金的企業大老闆,從國務費案提供發票的貴婦人們,到南港案行賄評委與官員的營建業者,乃至二次金改涉案的金控董事長,以及高科技大老闆們,他們攀附官邸各有動機:有些人是擁有了財富,就愛圍著權力人物打轉,以進出官邸為榮,甚至以紅頂商人自居,炫耀於眾。另有些人雖對扁家無所求,但因為大家都給官邸送禮,自己豈可不送?彷彿送了禮就等於買了政治保險。再也有些人卻是為了企業的財務危機,或企業的擴展需要,捧著大筆鈔票買競標的入場券,或尋求財務解套的機會。他們的動機不同,後來的命運亦未必一樣,其中有些已經東窗事發,另有些尚在風聲鶴唳階段,但此際應皆是悔不當初。

台灣的政商關係原本並非如扁案中所暴露這般恐怖醜陋。兩蔣威權時代,政商涇渭分明,那是政商分離的年代;哪個官敢開敞後門,或與商賈殷勤酬酢,一經發現,其結果難有僥倖。蔣經國甚至因女婿是商人,而耿耿於懷多年。李登輝執政時代,政商首度合流,他不但曾公開說過「政府的責任就是替資本家賺錢」,也一改過去政治人物與商人的「後花園式」的關係,把政商關係堂而皇之搬上檯面,文武百官與工商人士餐聚也見怪不怪,國民黨黨營事業大掌櫃劉泰英更成為政商網絡的核心。但即使在黑金大門初開的那個年代,還少有哪個政務官敢搞對價關係的政商互動,遑論將數十億不義或不法之財,神不知鬼不覺地洗出海外。

陳水扁執政八年期間,初期搞政商關係以李登輝為師,後期則青出於藍,政商關係從豪門巨富第一代延伸至第二代,從傳統企業擴及到金融與高科技領域,三級貧戶之子儼然已成政商兩界的共主。其結果則是從府、院到部會,涉弊遭訴的政務官數目創下史上最高紀錄,到最後連他自己及其家人也成為貪汙罪的被告,堂堂總統下台後竟成階下囚,醜聞傳遍全球。這些駭人的政商共犯逐漸曝光,雖是陳水扁害了那些企業主,但亦何嘗不能說是那些企業主縱容了陳水扁?

扁家弊案是政商關係的負面教材,扁珍貪婪的嘴臉堪為來者鑑戒。台灣要走向清明政治,有權力者就得摒除金錢的誘惑,不可以權斂財;同樣的,企業主非但要有膽子對主政者的需索說不,亦不可用金錢汙染政治來換取不義不法的企業利益。

就政商關係言,扁案是從政者的前車之鑑,也是企業界的血淚教材。

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