Is the Republic of China rooted in the 1911 Revolution or the 2/28 Incident?

Is the Republic of China rooted in the 1911 Revolution or the 2/28 Incident?
United Daily News editorial (Taipei, Taiwan, ROC)
A Translation
December 31, 2009

The Republic of China, on its Ninety-ninth New Years Day. 1 of 6

Tomorrow is New Years Day. It will be the 99th New Years Day since the founding of the Republic of China, We are now headed toward the Republic of China's centennial year.

The Republic of China is unique among nations, ancient and modern, east and west. Following its defeat during the Sino-Japanese War, the Qing Court ceded Taiwan to Japan. Following the Republic of China's pyrrhic victory in World War II, Japan returned Taiwan to China. Alas, the romantic dreams of retrocession were shattered by the 2/28 Incident. In the blink of an eye, the central government was routed during the Chinese Civil War and retreated to Taiwan. During the 60 years since, neither Kuningtou nor the August 23 Artillery Battle were able to defeat the Republic of China government on Taiwan. It survived attempts to strangle it diplomatically. Its economy evolved from an economy reliant on rice and camphor exports, to the developed economy it is today. The political system evolved from martial law and the white terror, to a democracy with direct presidential elections and changes in ruling parties. Most importantly, despite the disparity in size between the two sides, divided rule across the Taiwan Strait evolved from Beijing's calls for the "liberation of Taiwan" and Taipei's calls to "counterattack the mainland," to today's calls to "maintain the status quo," and "peaceful development." The Republic of China is entering its ninety-ninth year. The Republic of China government on Taiwan is a paradigm for economic development and democratic politics among emerging nations. The People's Republic of China government on the Mainland emerged from thirty years of blood-soaked hell, to become the envy of the world for its "peaceful rise." As we can see, the Republic of China is unique in all the world, ancient and modern, east and west. The People's Republic of China is similar. Such is the nature of bilateral rivalry in the Taiwan Strait.

The Republic of China is moving towards its centennial. Yet its national consciousness is still that of a weak and divided nation. States need not fear because they are small. States need not fear because they face hardship. As long as they consolidate their national consciousness, they will experience a sense of solidarity, a sense of mission, and a sense of honor. But today the collective feeling is one of internal division and hostility far more harmful to the nation than foreign invasions. The Republic of China was founded ninety-nine years ago. It has been on Taiwan for one "jia zi" (60 year cycle in the Chinese calendar). Must we remain a nation with divided intentity?

As we see it, the great divide in the Republic of China's national identity is rooted in the divide between the "1911 Revolution premise" and the "2/28 premise." The 1911 Revolution premise sees the Republic of China as China's historical legacy. Its Three People's Principles sees "national solidarity, human rights, and social welfare" as China's political and economic vision. Taiwan's destiny is to guide the development of China as a whole. Put simply, it hopes to use Taiwan as a lever to move the rest of China. Taiwan as a lever can help maintain cross-Strait peace. The 2/28 premise on the other hand, sees the Republic of China as a political liability. The thirty years of catastrophe precipitated by the People's Republic of China government on the Mainland, has turned "China" into a synonym for political disaster. Taiwan does not want the Republic of China. It wants the People's Republic of China even less. Put simply, this is the Taiwan independence movement's "Taiwan on one side, China on the other" framework.

Over the past 60 years, the 1911 Revolution premise has been impacted by the 2/28 premise. The 1911 Revolution premise has taken what can only be described as an "N-turn." During the early years, due to internal and external crises, coupled with martial law, the 1911 Revolution premise maintained an ideological monopoly on Taiwan. This was the left side of the letter N, moving from bottom to top. Later on, the Republic of China government was forced to withdraw from the United Nations. Washington broke off diplomatic relations with Taipei. The Republic of China could no longer hold the line on the diplomatic front, leading to a Domino Effect. Internal challenges mounted, beginning with the Chungli Incident, leading to a Broken Window Effect. Add to this the evils perpetrated by the Gang of Four, exposed in the wake of Mao Zedong's death. The public on Taiwan was shocked, leading to a Bad Neighbor Effect. This enabled the 2/28 premise to become the guiding premise for the Taiwan independence movement. The Republic of China premise suffered a setback. This was the downward, diagonal stroke in the letter N. Lee Teng-hui and Chen Shui-bian spent the next decade inciting Taiwan independence, only to see Taiwan independence thoroughly discredited, both in theory and in practice. The Republic of China premise and the 1911 Revolution premise began to show signs of recovery. Over the past year and a half, the "1992 Consensus" and "One China, Different Interpretations" have become the basis of cross-Strait interaction. This is the right side of the letter N, moving from bottom to top.

The 2/28 premise addresses two issues. One, it attempts to "nativize" democracy on Taiwan. This goal has been reached. Two, it attempts to resolve cross-Strait issues by promoting Taiwan independence and severing links with Mainland China. But this is something the 2/28 premise cannot possibly achieve. Despite decades of agitation, the Republic of China premise has already co-opted the 2/28 premise of "nativized" democracy. Meanwhile, the 2/28 premise is unable to negate the role and status of the Republic of China in cross-Strait negotiations.

Consider current trends. As we move toward the future, the Taiwan independence premise and 2/28 premise will command less and less influence on Taiwan. The Republic of China premise will become more and more dominant. The importance of the Republic of China in bilateral rivalry is rooted in the 1911 Revolution premise. This sort of statement may sound foolish at this point in time. But sooner or later, the public on Taiwan will realize that this is its trump card in cross-Strait relations. We are already into the right hand side of the aforementioned "N-turn," and there is simply no going back.

The 1911 Revolution was one of the most heroic revolutions in human history. The American Revolution, or Revolutionary War, was a revolution against the mother country by one of its colonies. The French Revolution was a revolution against monarchy and aristocracy. The 1911 Revolution by contrast, was primarily a revolution against foreign powers attempting to gobble up China. It was a tragic, heroic and forthright cause. It established Asia's first democratic republic. Symbols such as the Mayflower or the Bastille simply do not compare. Alas, in 1949, the People's Republic of China usurped the 1911 Revolution. The Republic of China retreated to Taiwan. As a result, the glory of the 1911 Revolution was tarnished by the Republic of China government defeat in the Chinese Civil War.

Today however, we are traveling upwards along the right hand side of the letter N. Sun Yat-sen and the 1911 Revolution have become the nexus of political thinking in the Taiwan Strait. Both Beijing and Taipei are moving upward along the right hand side of the letter N. Giant statues of Sun Yat-sen were inspirational symbols for the People's Republic of China during its sixtieth anniversary National Day ceremonies. It was the theme of its National Day documentary, "The Founding of a Republic." Mao Zedong's opening line is, "Chiang Kai-shek and I are both disciples of Sun Yat-sen." Beijing has already announced that it will expand its commemoration of the centennial of the 1911 Revolution. It is clearly invoking the 1911 Revolution to enhance the legitimacy of its rule. Today, as both sides of the Taiwan Strait recall the humiliations endured since the Opium War, and reflect on six decades of divided rule, and their successes and failures, they still think of Sun Yat-sen. They still think of the 1911 Revolution and the Wuchang Uprising. In fact, Beijing appears to take Sun Yat-sen and the 1911 Revolution even more seriously than Taipei. On Taiwan, confrontations between the 1911 Revolution premise and the 2/28 premise have led to a divided sense of national identity. Isn't it time to begin the healing?

When the 1911 Revolution premise was on the left hand side of the letter N, the Republic of China was a monopoly maintained by means of martial law. The People's Republic of China meanwhile, denied the legitimacy of the Republic of China altogether. But now the 1911 Revolution premise is on the right hand side of the letter N. The two sides have already found common ground regarding "full democracy" and "reform and opening." Tiananmen Square boasts an important symbol, a giant statue of Sun Yat-sen. The Republic of China will soon celebrate its centennial. If the two sides of the Taiwan Strait can find more points of agreement in the spirit of the 1911 Revolution and Sun Yat-sen, they can increase mutual goodwill. They can develop a shared vision in which both sides can win.

Allow us to wish the Republic of China a happy centennial, in advance. As the public debates the merits and demerits of the 2/28 premise and the 1911 Revolution premise, let us establish a nation founded on wisdom and strength. Let us share the sense of purpose, the same sense of pride, and the same sense of mission.

中華民國主論述：辛亥革命或二二八
【聯合報╱社論】
2009.12.31 03:08 am

《中華民國九十九年感思》六之一

明天是中華民國九十九年元旦，就此邁向中華民國一百年。

中華民國這樣的國家，是古今中外絕無僅有的一例。甲午戰敗後大清割讓給日本的台灣，在二戰後回歸「慘勝」的中華民國；光復的浪漫幻夢剛因二二八而破滅，轉眼中央政府又因內戰「慘敗」而播遷台灣。六十年來，古寧頭、八二三的砲火沒有擊敗台灣，外交的窒息也辛苦熬過，經濟則從靠米糖樟腦出口到今天名列已開發國家，政治更從戒嚴白色恐怖臻至總統直選、政黨輪替的自由民主體制；尤其重要的是，縱然兩岸大小強弱懸殊，但兩岸分治也從「解放台灣／反攻大陸」，轉變到「維持現狀」、「和平發展」。時至今日，中華民國已然進入九十九年，在台灣的中華民國是新興國家經濟發展與民主政治的範例，在大陸的中華人民共和國也從卅年浩劫的血淵骨嶽中轉變為舉世議論的「和平崛起」的話題。準此以觀，中華民國之例是古今中外絕無僅有，中華人民共和國之例亦然，台灣海峽雙邊的競合關係之例亦是。

中華民國已經邁向一百年，卻在國家意識上仍是一個羸弱與分裂的國家。國家不怕小，國勢不怕艱難，只要國家意識鞏固，就會有認同感、使命感與光榮感。然而，現今國人共同的感受卻是，內部的撕裂敵對，遠比外部的侵凌更傷害國家。中華民國立國已經九十九年，在台灣也已逾一甲子，我們還要繼續作一個認同分裂的國家嗎？

若依本文的題旨而言，我們認為，中華民國國家認同的分裂，是緣自「辛亥革命論述」與「二二八論述」的分裂。辛亥革命論述認為：中華民國是中國的傳承，三民主義所主張的「民族／民權／民生」是中國政治經濟的願景與策略，台灣的命運及使命是在導正中國的發展方向。化約而言，就是欲以台灣為槓桿來導正中國，而台灣亦以槓桿的功能來維持兩岸和平。二二八論述則認為：中華民國是台灣的政治負債，中華人民共和國的卅年浩劫更使得「中國」成為政治災難的同義詞，台灣不要中華民國，更不要中華人民共和國。化約而言，就這是台獨主張的「台灣中國／一邊一國」。

在中華民國，六十年來的歷史動線顯示，辛亥革命論述因二二八論述的影響，而儼然呈現一個Ｎ型的轉折。早年，由於內外情勢危殆，再加上戒嚴統治，辛亥革命論述在台灣久居壟斷地位（這是Ｎ的的向上左線）；後來，因退出聯合國及台美斷交，中華民國在外交上撐持不住（骨牌效應）、內部的挑戰自中壢事件引爆（破窗效應），再加上大陸四人幫的惡行因毛澤東死而公開，震撼了台灣民心（惡鄰效應），以致藉二二八論述為主體的台獨訴求急遽上升（中華民國論述因而轉入Ｎ的下斜線）；此後，再經李登輝與陳水扁十餘年的台獨操作，台獨在理論與實踐上皆告失敗，中華民國與辛亥革命的論述又有回升的跡象，一年半來，以「九二共識／一中各表」為主軸的兩岸互動，即可視為Ｎ的上升右線。

二二八論述是要處理兩個課題：一、欲使台灣實現本土化的民主政治；如今此一目標已經達成。二、欲藉此鼓吹台灣獨立，與中國切割，以解決兩岸問題；這卻是二二八論述不可能做到的。經歷數十年的激盪，目前的情勢是：中華民國論述已經包羅涵蘊了二二八論述的本土民主化主張，但二二八論述不可能取代或否定中華民國在處理兩岸課題上的角色及地位。

就當前趨勢來看，時空架構愈往未來發展，台獨二二八論述對台灣的支配力將愈弱，而中華民國的主導性將愈大；中華民國在兩岸角力間的重要憑藉，則正是辛亥革命論述。這樣的說法，現在也許聽起來覺得迂闊，但台灣早晚將體會其在兩岸間最大的優勢正在此點。前述那條Ｎ型的動線，進入右側上升後，不可能再返折。

辛亥革命其實是人類歷史上最壯烈的民主革命。美國革命（獨立戰爭）是殖民地對宗主國的革命，法國革命是對王權與貴族階級的革命；辛亥革命則主要是因列強魚肉中國而激發的革命；其悲壯、英烈、正大，開創了亞洲第一個民主共和國，絕非五月花號或巴士底獄等象徵所能匹比。但是，一九四九年，中華人民共和國襲奪了辛亥革命，中華民國被驅逐到台灣；辛亥革命遂在國共內戰中，被貶抑甚至被塗抹掉了。

然而，今日在前述的Ｎ型動線中，孫中山及辛亥革命這類的政治理念儼然可能成為海峽兩岸主要的交集點，而共同走向Ｎ型右側的上升動線之中。孫中山巨像仍是中華人民共和國六十周年國慶典禮上的政治號召；代表其國慶主旋律的「建國大業」影片中，毛澤東開場的台詞是：「我與蔣（中正）先生，皆是中山先生的門徒。」尤其，北京當局已經宣布，將擴大紀念辛亥革命一百年，明顯地欲以辛亥革命來修正、補充其統治的正當性。當海峽兩岸今日共同回顧鴉片戰爭以來的民族屈辱，並反省這六十年分裂分治後各自的是非對錯，現在還能一同想到孫中山，還能一同想到辛亥革命及武昌起義，而且看起來北京比台北對孫中山及辛亥革命更在意，則台灣內部因辛亥革命論述與二二八論述而造成的國家認同分裂，如今是否已到了療傷止痛的時刻？

辛亥革命論述在Ｎ型左側動線時，中華民國是以戒嚴體制建立其壟斷地位，中華人民共和國則對其幾乎完全否定；但如今辛亥革命論述走到Ｎ型右側動線時，兩岸在「完全民主」與「改革開放」中已經多有交集，天安門廣場的孫中山巨像即是重要象徵。面對中華民國一百年，海峽兩岸若能在辛亥革命精神與孫中山志業中找到更多交集點，兩岸未來應當會有更多的相互善意，並有可能發展出雙贏共生的共同憧憬。

預祝中華民國百歲生日快樂。但願國人能在辛亥革命論述與二二八論述的糾纏中，找到立國的智慧與力量，使我們能夠成為一個有理想、有尊嚴、有使命感的快樂國家。