Diaoyutai and Cross-Strait Relations

Diaoyutai and Cross-Strait Relations
United Daily News editorial (Taipei, Taiwan, ROC)
A Translation
September 27, 2012

Summary: Taiwan has been marginalized during the recent clashes over the Diaoyutai Islands. This shows that the Republic of China must assert that it is "China." It must also make distinctions between itself and the "People's Republic of China." Otherwise, sooner or later it will lose its claim to being "China." Instead, it will be absorbed into the "People's Republic of China." The public on Taiwan, especially the DPP, should cease using the term "China" to differentiate between the two sides. They should insist that Diaoyutai belongs to China, specifically, the Republic of China.

Full Text below:

The recent clashes over the Diaoyutai Islands are now winding down. Consider the conflict from the macro level. The Diaoyutai Islands sovereignty issue remains what it has been for the past 40 years -- controversial. But each of the parties has gained or lost as a result of the recent clashes.

Japan may have "nationalized" the Diaoyutai Islands. But its losses are the heaviest. One. The recent clashes have transformed sovereignty over the Diaoyutai Islands into a long term bone of contention between Mainland China and Japan. Deng Xiaoping once said "[The issue may be] set aside. It is not urgent." Japan has now turned it into a hot button issue. Was this wise? Two. During the recent clashes, the most intense wave of anti-Japanese sentiment in four decades erupted on the Chinese mainland. This led to a resurgence of Sino-Japanese hatred, harking back to the first Sino-Japanese War over a century ago. This is a trauma Japan will have a difficult time overcoming. Three. The authoritarian regime in Beijing and the Mainland public feel lingering hatred toward the Japanese. Calls for economic sanctions have reached new highs. The impact has far exceeded Japan's expectations. As a result the dispute over sovereignty has intensified. Goodwill between the two peoples has been shattered. , Serious economic damage has been done. These are the three most obvious wounds Japan has suffered as a result of the recent clashes.

The Chinese mainland is probably the the biggest beneficiary. One. Beijing eventually forced Prime Minister Noda to admit that he misjudged the situation. The United States may continue to uphold the US-Japan Security Treaty. It may include the Diaoyu Islands. But it declared it held no position on the sovereignty of the Diaoyutai Islands. Secretary of Defense Leon Pannetta added the US would not allow Japan to do whatever it wants. These developments show that Beijing was not the loser. Two. During the recent clashes Beijing was able to put on a concrete show of its national strength. It has proved that it must not be underestimated. Its economic power bolsters its overall fighting ability. This is obvious to everyone. Three. From Beijing's perspective, the Diaoyutai Islands problem is a Taiwan problem. During the recent clashes over the Diaoyutai Islands, its warships broke through the first island chain and approached ROC waters. To the US and Japan it announced the adoption of a hardline attitude. To the ruling and opposition parties on Taiwan, it announced the adoption of a "brothers may quarrel within the family, but must unite against outside enemies" reunificationist strategy.

Now consider Taiwan. The veterans of the Diaoyutai Islands Defense Movement carried out their historical mission 40 years ago. In 2012, during the recent clashes over the Diaoyutai Islands, they passed the baton to Zhongnanhai and the Mainland public. This reflects four decades of evolution in international politics. It also reflects the ebb and flow of six decades of cross-Strait relations. Beijing's firm actions during the recent clashes have enabled Taipei to enjoy a free ride and to bask in Beijing's reflected glory. But they have also placed Taipei in a dilemma. Tokyo now appears willing to make concessions to Taipei regarding fishing rights. Taipei may be a beneficiary. But the recent clashes significantly impact cross-Strait relations. Taipei must weigh the gains and losses carefully.

"Diaoyutai has been China's territory since antiquity." This is the key premise of the Diaoyutai Islands Defense Movement. Even DPP Yilan County Chief Lin Kung-hsien says that absent this premise, the Diaoyutai Islands Defense Movement would have no case. During the First Sino-Japanese War, there was no dispute about what the term "China" referred to. But today the two sides of the Taiwan Strait have serious differences about what it means. This constitutes a serious disagreement between the two sides of the Taiwan Strait. The Taiwan side says that "Diaoyutai is Republic of China territory." But why has the five star PRC flag appeared in Republic of China territory surrounding Diaoyutai? Why have People's Republic of China ocean surveillance ships declared that they will defend Diaoyutai? We have not even mentioned the 1.3 billion people on the Mainland who support the defense of the Diaoyutai Islands.

Diaoyutai is a game of chess. It is a microcosmic cross-Strait chess board. Beijing's firm actions may enable Taipei to hitch a ride and achieve a breakthrough in Taipei/Tokyo fishing rights negotiations. Beijing stresses that "Diaoyutai has been China's territory since antiquity." Taipei can hardly object. But can we persuade Beijing to stop at "Diaoyutai is Republic of China territory?" Mainland ocean surveillance ships have already entered Diaoyutai Island waters and proclaimed sovereignty over the islands. Are the two sides of the Taiwan Strait defining China the way it was defined during the First Sino-Japanese War? Or is Beijing trespassing on Republic of China's front door?

Beijing said "The Diaoyutai Islands have been China's territory since antiquity." What it should have said, but did not, is that "Diaoyutai is China's territory, because Taiwan is China's territory." Beijing's policy on the Diaoyutai Islands issue reflects Beijing's policy on the Taiwan issue. Never mind the frenzy of Diaoyutai Islands Defense Movement activism in 85 cities on the Chinese mainland. That too is territory the Republic of China has regarded as "China's territory since antiquity."

The current Diaoyutai Island Defense Movement clashes are a warning for Taiwan. One. They provide further evidence that Taiwan independence is impossible. Two. They show that we must seek our future inside the conceptual framework of "China." Three. They show that we must seek common ground as well as maintain partitions among the "Republic of China, China, and the People 's Republic of China."

Taiwan has been marginalized during the recent clashes over the Diaoyutai Islands. This shows that the Republic of China must assert that it is "China." It must also make distinctions between itself and the "People's Republic of China." Otherwise, sooner or later it will lose its claim to being "China." Instead, it will be absorbed into the "People's Republic of China." Therefore we propose that the two sides of the Taiwan Strait meet under the "Big Roof China" concept. The Republic of China is democratic China. The People's Republic of China is socialist China.

In other words, the public on Taiwan, especially the DPP, should cease using the term "China" to differentiate between the two sides. They should instead use the term "democratic" as a buffer between the two sides. They should insist that the Republic of China is democratic China.

Therefore Diaoyutai belongs to China, specifically, the Republic of China.

在釣魚台看兩岸關係
【聯合報╱社論】
2012.09.27

這場釣島風暴已進入清理戰場的階段。就宏觀面言，釣島主權仍然停留在四十年來一貫的「爭議狀態」，但各方的得失損益已不同於風暴前。

日本雖將釣島「國有化」，卻是損失最重的一方。一、經此風暴，釣魚台將成為中國大陸與日本尖銳且長期的「主權」爭議，已非鄧小平所說「放一下，不要緊」的問題。日本把一只冰凍的山芋烤到燙手，何其不智？二、風暴期間，中國大陸爆發四十年來最激烈的反日仇日風潮，使甲午百餘年來的中日血仇大回潮，這對日本更是最難彌補的創傷。三、北京的專制體制與大陸民間的對日宿仇，在操作經濟制裁上佔據了制高點，其影響超過日本的估計。因而，主權爭議升高、兩國民間感情破裂，及經濟損傷嚴重，這是日本在這場風暴的驗傷單上最受矚目的三個傷口。

中國大陸應是獲利最大的一方。一、北京最後逼到野田首相自承「誤判」情勢，美國雖仍主張《美日安保條約》包括釣魚台，但聲言「對釣魚台主權不持立場」，國防部長潘尼達又說「不會讓日本為所欲為」；這些發展，皆見證了北京不是輸家。二、中國大陸在這次風暴中具體而微地操作了一場國力的演習與展示，已證實不容輕估，而其經濟力已具備總體戰的效能，則是有目共睹。三、對北京而言，釣島問題即是台灣問題。此次藉釣島風暴命其艦艇突破第一島鏈，更迫近中華民國海域；一則對美日宣示其強硬的政策態度，一則對台灣朝野操演「兄弟鬩於牆，外禦其侮」的統戰手法。

對台灣而言，四十年前台灣「老保釣」的歷史勛業，已在二○一二這場保釣風暴中讓位給中南海及大陸人民。這顯示了四十年來國際政治的演變，更反映了六十來年兩岸情勢的消長。由於北京的強勢作為，台灣處於這場風暴中，在「借力使力」與「狐假虎威」中，左右為難。目前看來，日本可能會對台日漁權談判鬆手，這是台灣可能的收益；但這場風暴對兩岸關係的重大衝擊，始是台灣必須慎估之得失。

「釣魚台自古就是中國的領土」，這是保釣論述的第一句話，連民進黨籍的宜蘭縣長林聰賢都這麼說；沒有這句話，保釣即失根據。然而，甲午時代的「中國」也許沒有爭議，但今天的「中國」究何所指，卻是兩岸之間的嚴重歧見所在。台灣說：「釣魚台是中華民國的領土。」但在「中華民國的領土」釣魚台上卻怎麼會出現五星紅旗？又怎麼會由「中華人民共和國」的海監船宣示保釣，何況又有十三億大陸人民主張保釣。

釣魚台的這一盤棋，具體而微地幾乎等同於兩岸這一盤棋。由於北京的強勢作為，或許台灣能「借力使力」在台日漁權談判中找到突破口；但北京強調「釣魚台自古就是中國領土」的主張，台灣不能提出異議，卻如何能讓北京在「釣魚台是中華民國領土」的標線前止步？然而，如今，對方的海監船已進入釣魚台海域宣示「主權」，這究竟是兩岸在「甲午中國」的共同立場？抑或其實是北京對「中華民國」的侵門踏戶？

北京說，「釣魚台是中國的固有領土」，但沒有說出的一句話應是：「因為，台灣是中國的固有領土。」正因如此，北京對釣魚台問題的政策態度，其實也反映了北京對台灣問題的政策態度。何況，大陸八十五城市的「保釣」狂潮，也是將「中華民國的領土」釣魚台，視為「自古就是中國的領土」。

這場保釣風暴對台灣的示警在於：一、更進一步地可以斷言台獨已絕無可能；二、必須在「中國概念」中，找到台灣的出路；三、重點在於必須設法在「中華民國／中國／中華人民共和國」三者之間找到交集，並建立區隔。

台灣在釣島問題上的邊緣化顯示：「中華民國」如果不能善用「中國」的交集，並建立起與「中華人民共和國」的區隔，恐怕遲早會在喪失了「中國」的「介面」後，被「中華人民共和國」所侵吞。因此，我們的主張是：在兩岸主權相互含蘊並共同合成的「大屋頂中國」之下，中華民國是民主中國，中華人民共和國是社會主義中國。

也就是說，台灣（尤其是民進黨）應將「中國」從兩岸的「阻隔」轉為「介面」，而改以「民主」作為兩岸的緩衝與調劑。此即堅持：中華民國是民主中國。

如此，釣魚台是中國的，也是中華民國的。