Bring Back the Five Presidential Leadership Lessons

Bring Back the Five Presidential Leadership Lessons
China Times editorial (Taipei, Taiwan, ROC)
A Translation
November 15, 2012

Summary: Taiwan has a huge problem. The public has lost all confidence in itself. The most common complaints among the public are that the economy is bad, salaries are falling, the quality of life is low, and the wealth gap is widening. Young people have lost hope. But let us review history. Let us examine at the global picture. Is Taiwan's situation really that bad?

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Taiwan has a huge problem. The public has lost all confidence in itself. The most common complaints among the public are that the economy is bad, salaries are falling, the quality of life is low, and the wealth gap is widening. Young people have lost hope. The business community complains that the government is impotent. Each says we must be more self-reliant. But let us review history. Let us examine at the global picture. Is Taiwan's situation really that bad? In the 1970s the oil crisis struck. The government initiated its ten major infrastructure projects plan. It increased domestic demand and defused the crisis. It laid the foundation for the subsequent economic take-off. Now let us take an even closer look. Our current situation is less perilous than it was during the financial tsunami. So why is there so much pessimism today compared to then? Why does the public see no hope for the future?

Taiwan today is utterly lacking in ambition. It is filled with anxiety about the future. That is its biggest problem. In an era of uncertainty, society has lost its way. This is when it most needs government leadership the most.

The first task of leadership, is to take the helm. The President is the Head of State. He must act like a leader. He must suggest a direction for the ROC's development. He must offer a vision for the nation. He must create a broad public consensus. He must inspire a willingness to participate in a collective struggle. Only then can he bring the nation together, and lead it out of the wilderness. The biggest problem now is that the helmsman lacks a clear vision of how the nation should develop. This has resulted in policy flip-flopping, chaos, and public confusion. This editorial series is devoted to this core issue. We wish to remind the ruling administration that the key issue is the ability to man the helm Only then can one restore leadership. Only then can one offer new prospects for the ROC.

The second task of leadership, is to make decisions. A good decision-making model will solicit opinions, and carefully pick its battles. It will take into account conflicts of interest and social impacts. The decisions it implements will then be equitable. The Ma administration's policy formulation process is crude. Major decisions are often made by a handful of individuals. The government does not lack talent. It has access to some of the leading talents in their fields. But tiny cliques have saddled the president with a reputation for oligarchical rule by the few. Worse, its decisions are often bad. They are often out of touch with people at the grass-roots. This leads to powerful backlashes, policy reversals, and a steady erosion of the leadership's dignity and prestige. If this hermetic, cliquish, decision-making model is not jettisoned, the government's ability to lead will forever remain in doubt.

The third task of leadership is to execute policy. Major government decisions often have far-reaching repercussions. They involve many ministries. Therefore, policy implementation must be integrated. Only then can one get past officials preoccupied with defending their own turf. Only then can one avoid each of them going their own way, and each of them getting in each others' way. When implementing policy one will inevitably encounter problems and crises. Therefore, the ability to solve problems and deal with crises is another link in the chain. The Ma administration lacks the ability to execute policy. He has failed to exploit his star power. He has often lacked resolve. He retreats at the first sign of trouble. He wavers. This encourages ministry heads to see which way the wind is blowing before acting, to evade responsibility when difficulties arise, and to do nothing in face of crises. As a result the public loses respect. How can such an administration establish any credibility? How can its leadership skills not be challenged?

The fourth task of leadership is to use and cultivate people with talent. The public on Taiwan misses Chiang Ching-kuo. He was selfless in the way he promoted people. He was close with the local populace. But even more importantly, he nurtured people with talent to govern Taiwan. Many of them are still active in the political arena. They include President Ma. Many of them he mentored personally. Times have changed. But the principle remains the same. One must have the courage to employ talent from all quarters. One must use people from different political backgrounds to govern the nation. One must not cultivate talent only for the ruling party. One must nurture talent for the entire nation. One must exhibit broadmindedness and tolerance. If one does, then one will naturally be able to nurture leaders. The nation's long-term growth will then be assured.

The fifth task of leadership is to respect the framework. The constitutional framework of the Republic of China is a dual-leadership system. The president is elected. But the premier is appointed by the president. They have different responsibilities. According to the constitution, the president is responsible for major decisions crucial to the nation's development. The premier is responsible for unifying the various government ministries and implementing policy. As long as each operates in accordance with the framework, major conflicts are unlikely. If the premier is unable to execute major policy, the president can replace him. After all, the president is the elected official responsible for the success or failure of governance. Another core issue is the need to avoid the extralegal use of power. The Chen regime was corrupt. Chen Shui-bian of course must take full responsibility. But Wu Shu-cheng's extralegal decision-making, including personnel appointments, was also a problem. President Ma has been particularly careful to avoid outside interference in government affairs. The nation's institutions, its decision-making powers and responsibilities, must be able to withstand the most rigorous scrutiny. The head of state must demonstrate genuine leadership.

Taiwan remains a place of hope. Each year an increasing number of contestants in international design competitions wins awards. They inject youthful vitality into the cultural and creative field. Younger generation Taiwanese are returning home and taking up farming, They have given farming an entirely new image. Various cultural and leisure industries are on the rise. How can such vitality have no future? Taiwan remains vibrant. The younger generation overflows with creativity. The new generation has fighting spirit. As long as the government demonstrates sufficient leadership, Taiwan will find its way out of the wilderness. There is no doubt about it.

重振總統領導力的五堂課
2012-11-15 中國時報

當前台灣有一個最大的問題是：民間有一種「失了志氣」的無力之感。民間最常抱怨的是：景氣差，薪水降，生活品質低，貧富差距擴大，青年人看不到希望；企業界則抱怨政府無能無力，互相勉勵得自立自強。然而，回顧歷史，展望世局，台灣真的有這麼差嗎？一九七○年代石油危機時期，政府以十大建設及擴大內需，化解危機，為後來的經濟起飛奠定基礎。即使更近一點看，現在的情況也不比金融海嘯時危險。為何反而有一種灰心喪志、看不到未來的氣氛呢？

觀察當前台灣，整個社會缺乏向上志氣，對未來充滿不確定感，允為最大問題。茫然的社會，徬徨的時代，此時最需要政府的「領導力」。

領導力的首要課題，即是掌舵能力。總統是國家元首，應以領導人的高度，指引台灣發展方向，提出國家願景，凝聚全民共識，激發集體奮鬥意志，才可以引領全國上下齊心合力，走出困境。現在的最大問題是，掌舵者未能指引清晰、明確的國家發展方向與願景，以致政策搖擺，亂象叢生，民間無所適從。本系列社論主要就是針對此一核心問題，提醒當局要從最關鍵的掌舵能力著手，才能重現領導力，打開台灣的嶄新局面。

領導力的第二課題，是決策能力。一個好的決策模式，應先廣徵意見，慎謀能斷，充分考量不同利益衝突與可能引發的社會效應後，最後再作出衡平的決策並付諸實行。馬政府的問題是，政策形成及擬定過程粗糙，重大決策更往往由少數人決定，所以，儘管政府首長不乏頭角崢嶸或具代表性的專才，但小圈子決策讓馬總統背負用人「小圈圈」的指責，且因決策經常和基層民意脫節，致不時遭遇強力反彈而轉彎，領導人的尊嚴與威信，即在此過程中不斷流失。這種封閉、少數甚至極少數中的少數決策模式若不改，政府領導力將受到持續不斷的挑戰。

領導力的第三課題，是執行力。政府重大決策往往牽涉層面極廣，涉及部會眾多，因此，政策執行須有統合能力，才能破除本位考量，避免各行其是、互為掣肘。而政策執行過程必然會遭遇各種問題甚至突發性危機，因此，解決問題及處理危機的能力也是執行力一環。馬政府被批缺乏執行力，主因就是領導者沒有統馭明星首長的能力，且經常意志不堅、遇事退縮、搖擺不定，讓各部會看風向行事，遇難題相互推諉逃避責任；發生危機更是因應遲緩，讓人民看笑話。這樣的政府如何能建立威信？領導能力又豈能不受質疑？

領導力的第四課題，是用人及培養人才。蔣經國先生之所以讓台灣人懷念，不僅是他的無私用人與親近本土，更重要的是他為台灣培育了無數治國的人才。現在活躍於政壇的明星，包括馬總統，很多都是當年他的手上所培養。現在時代雖然不同，但用人原則仍是：敢用各方能人，將不同政治勢力納為治國之用，而且不僅為執政黨培養人才，更要為國家培養人才；若有這樣的胸襟與氣度，自能孕育令萬方景服的領導力，國家長期發展也會走上正軌。

領導力的第五課題，是尊重體制。中華民國憲政體制為雙首長制，但總統是民選，行政院長則是總統任命，因此，在權責分工上，應依憲政運作，總統主導攸關國家發展的重大決策，行政院長則有統合各部會及執行的責任；依體制運作，就不致出大問題。若行政院長無力執行重大政策，總統大可究責換人；畢竟，總統才是擔負執政成敗責任的民選首長。另一個核心問題是須避免體制外的權力運作。扁政府的貪腐，陳水扁當然要負全責，但吳淑珍在體制外參與決策甚至決定人事，也是問題惡化的根源。面對外界繪聲繪影體制外干政的指控，馬總統尤須謹慎以對，讓國家體制及決策權責歸屬經得起最嚴格的檢驗，國家元首的領導力也才能充分彰顯。

台灣仍是充滿希望的地方。每年參加各種國際設計大賽的得獎人數不斷攀升，青春活力投入文創。台灣農村在年輕世代返鄉務農後，展現新風貌，各種結合文化休閒的產業慢慢抬頭。這樣的青春生命力，怎麼可能沒有希望？充滿活力的台灣，充滿創造力的青春世代，充滿奮鬥意志的新世代，只要政府展現足夠的領導能力，台灣要走出困境，絕對不是難題。