Monday, November 5, 2012

Shelve What Controversy? Develop What Resources? With Whom?

Shelve What Controversy? Develop What Resources? With Whom?
China Times editorial (Taipei, Taiwan, ROC)
A Translation
November 5, 2012


Summary: The ROC government cannot prattle on about "shelving disputes" or "joint development," including fishing rights negotiations. To do so is tantamount to selling out the territorial integrity and sovereignty of the Republic of China. Japan has continually aggressed against China for the past one hundred years. Therefore the Chinese people on both sides of the Taiwan Strait must shelve their dispute over their separate territorial jurisdictions, so that they may defend their common territorial sovereignty.

Full Text below:

Both Taipei and Beijing have adopted three positions regarding the Diaoyutai Islands conflict. Both maintain that "My side has sovereignty." Both maintain that the two sides can "shelve disputes" and engage in "joint development." So far, these three positions have been espoused with reference to Japan.

The three positions complement each other. If we fail to argue that "My side has sovereignty," then the controversy evaporates altogether. Japan will develop the waters surrounding the Diaoyutai Islands on its own. If one fails to advocate "shelving disputes," then one must seek an immediate solution to the question of sovereignty. Troops must immediately confront each other on the battlefield. If one fails to advocate "joint development," then one cannot shelve the dispute. Therefore we must advocate all three positions.

In 1972, Japan was attempting to normalize relations with the Chinese mainland. During the third summit between the two sides, held on September 27, Japanese Prime Minister Kakuei Tanaka raised the "Senkaku Islands" (Diaoyutai Islands) issue on his own, without any prompting. Mainland Chinese Premier Zhou Enlai said: "I do not wish to talk about this issue at the moment. Talking about it now will do no good. We should resolve whatever larger issues we can first, such as the normalization of relations between the two countries. Other issues we can talk about later." Tanaka agreed. He said, "I had to raise the issue at this time, otherwise I would not be able to answer to the Japanese public."

As we can see, the Japanese government acknowledged that the issue was "controversial." Otherwise why would it have raised the issue to begin with? It also agreed to to shelve disputes. That is why it raised the issue, but avoided any mention of specifics. Later on however, Japan went back on its word. It alleged that "There is no dispute over the territorial sovereignty of the Senkaku Islands." It avoided mentioning the fact that Kakuei Tanaka raised the issue on his own. It denied that the two sides had agreed to "shelve disputes." It merely said that during negotiations "there was no discussion of this issue."

Until September of this year, the Mainland authorities continued to abide by the agreement to "shelve disputes." It exercised restraint. It avoided conflict. It even attempted to suppress widespread anti-Japanese sentiment among the public. It refused to support private sector Diaoyutai Islands defense movement activities. It refused to support fishermen who traveled to Diaoyutai Island waters to catch fish. It refrained from conducting maritime surveillance. It seldom dispatched fisheries boats to Diaoyutai Island waters. But on September 10, the Japanese government decided to "nationalize" the Diaoyutai Islands. It reneged on its agreement to "shelve disputes." It crossed the Mainland's line in the sand regarding sovereignty. It transformed the nature of the issue.

The Mainland was forced to proclaim that "Our side has sovereignty." It published the names of the islands and their geographical coordinates. It delineated its territorial waters. It dispatched warships, maritime surveillance ships, and fisheries ships to Diaoyutai Island waters. This restored the Diaoyutai Islands issue to its former status as an ongoing controvery in which the two sides "shelved disputes." On October 30, Mainland ocean surveillance ships went even further. They expelled Japanese vessels from the territory, unequivocally declaring China's sovereignty.

Sad to say, the ruling and opposition parties on Taiwan are unwilling to take part in consultations with the Mainland under the "one China principle." They are unwilling to sign a cross-Strait peace agreement. Taiwan and the Mainland should participate in the rejuvenation of the Chinese nation. This is something expressly provided for in the Constitution of the Republic of China, under "reunification." But the ruling and opposition parties on Taiwan choose to spin this as a loss of dignity and as "annexation." In order to resist reunification, they prefer to kowtow to the United States and Japan. They prefer to "de-Sinicize" themselves. They have long lived under this identity confusion. When confronted by Japan's aggression against the Diaoyutai Islands, it is hardly surprising that their words and deeds are so perversely inappropriate. Lee Teng-hui, the instigator of "de-Sinicization," even alleged that "The Diaoyutai Islands were Japan's to begin with!" President Ma Ying-jeou is seeking an historical legacy. He is the person who championed the aforementioned three positions. Yet he told the Japanese, "Taiwan has no intention of joining hands with Mainland China to fight Japan." He told the Japanese, "I hope our Japanese friends know that we attach great importance to relations with Japan." When Mainland ocean surveillance ships expelled Japanese ships from the region, some Taiwan media even denounced it as a hostile act. They complained that "Mainland ships expelled Japanese ships from Republic of China territorial waters."

In fact, in 1992 the Mainland announced its "People's Republic of China Territorial Waters and Contiguous Zone Act." It stipulated that the Diaoyutai Islands are offshore islets belonging to Taiwan. Mainland ocean surveillance ships entered Diaoyutai Island waters to expel Japanese ships and safeguard China's territorial sovereignty. This includes the territorial sovereignty of Taiwan and the Chinese mainland. They were simultaneously upholding the rights of the public on Taiwan. The two are not mutually contradictory. Japan has long treated Taiwan with contempt. Suppose the Mainland had not acted? Would Japan have suddenly become so deferential toward Taiwan? Mainland China took action. It expelled Japanese ships. It did not harm to Taiwan's interests. This fact can not be ignored. It must not be distorted.

By contrast, Japan flagrantly violated its agreement with the Mainland to "shelve disputes." It even attempted to induce the Ma administration to abandon sovereignty over the Diaoyutai Islands in exchange for "joint development," i.e., so-called fishing rights, on condition that it agree "there is no dispute over sovereignty." Clearly Japan is determined to exploit Taiwan's identity confusion. It is attempting to drive a wedge between the Mainland and Taiwan by offering to negotiate with Taiwan on fishing rights. It is attempting to play the same game against the Chinese people that it has for the past century. It is attempting to divide and conquer. Japan has suddenly become deferential to Taiwan. But this newfound deference hides an ugly agenda.

According to both the ROC and PRC Constitutions, China's sovereignty is indivisible. The only thing currently divided is jurisdiction. Jurisdiction has yet to be reunified. The Diaoyutai Islands belong to the Republic of China. That is not something we can casually relinquish. Japan has the temerity to claim that there is no controversy over the islands' sovereignty. The ROC government cannot prattle on about "shelving disputes" or "joint development," including fishing rights negotiations. To do so is tantamount to selling out the territorial integrity and sovereignty of the Republic of China. Japan has continually aggressed against China for the past one hundred years. Therefore the Chinese people on both sides of the Taiwan Strait must shelve their dispute over their separate territorial jurisdictions, so that they may defend their common territorial sovereignty.

   
中時電子報 新聞
中國時報  2012.11.05
社論-擱置什麼爭議?與誰共同開發?
本報訊

     在釣魚台列嶼問題上,兩岸的處理原則都是「主權在我」、「擱置爭議」、「共同開發」。迄今為止,這三項原則的對象都是日本。

     此三原則互為表裡:若不主張「主權在我」,則爭議消失,日本將單獨開發釣魚台附近海域資源;若不主張「擱置爭議」,就必須立即解決主權爭端,則兵凶戰危,誰也無法進行開發;若不主張「共同開發」,則爭議無從擱置。因此,三項原則缺一不可。

     一九七二年日本與大陸談判「關係正常化」時,日相田中角榮在九月二十七日舉行的第三次首腦會談中主動提出「尖閣列島(即釣魚台列嶼)問題」。大陸的周恩來總理說:「我這次不想談這個問題,現在談沒有好處。我們把能解決的大問題─兩國關係正常化問題─先解決。…有些問題要隨著時間的推移才好去談。」當時田中表示同意,並說「這次來訪問,不問一下,回去不好向(日本)國民交代」。

     可見,當時日本政府承認「爭議」存在(否則不用主動提出)、並同意擱置爭議(因此只是提出而未具體談判)。但是,後來日本言而無信,一直宣稱「尖閣群島不存在領土主權之爭」,並且避談田中角榮曾主動提出此一問題的事實,否認雙方曾有「擱置爭議」的共識,只說在談判中「完全沒有談論這個問題」。

     直到今年九月以前,大陸當局信守「擱置爭議」的共識,採克制態度,避免衝突,也壓著社會上普遍的反日情緒,不支持民間保釣行動,不組織漁民到釣魚台海域捕魚,海監、漁政船也很少到釣魚台海域巡視。然而,九月十日日本政府決定把釣魚台列嶼「國有化」,徹底推翻了「擱置爭議」的共識,觸犯了大陸主權的底線,也改變了問題的性質。

     為使釣魚台問題至少回到「擱置爭議」的原狀,大陸不得不改採突出「主權在我」的作為,於是乃有公布標準地名和地理坐標、劃定領海基點基線,以及海監、漁政船常態巡航釣魚台海域等作法。十月三十日,大陸海監船更對日方船隻實施驅離措施,旗幟鮮明地宣示其主權立場。

     反之,台灣朝野因為不願在「一中」原則下協商、簽署兩岸和平協議,並且一再把使雙方可共同參與中華民族復興、也是中華民國憲法明文規定的「統一」,曲解為失去尊嚴的「被併吞」。於是,為了拒統,寧可屈居美、日附庸,也要「去中國化」。久處這種認同錯亂的氛圍之下,面對日本對釣魚台的侵略惡行,自然言行乖謬、舉措失當。「去中國化」的始作俑者李登輝說:「釣魚台本來就是日本的」;追求歷史定位的馬英九總統雖也提出前述三原則,但是卻又對日本表態:「台灣無意與中國大陸聯手對抗日本」,「希望日本朋友們知道,我們非常重視與日本的關係」;還有媒體把近日大陸海監船驅離日船的措施視為「陸船在『中華民國領海』驅逐日船」的不友善行為。

     其實,大陸在一九九二年公布的「中華人民共和國領海及毗連區法」中明定「釣魚島」是台灣的附屬島嶼。大陸海監船在釣魚台海域驅離日船固然是維護中國(包含台灣和大陸)的領土主權,但同時就是在維護台灣人民的權利,其間並無衝突。若非大陸出手,以往對台一向傲慢的日本,最近怎會對我前倨後恭?大陸雖然出手,但驅趕的是日船,並未損傷任何台灣實質利益。此一事實不能漠視,不該扭曲。

     反之,日本不但徹底違反了兩岸共同主張的「擱置爭議」,甚至想在「不存在主權爭議」的前提下,以「共同開發」(所謂「漁權」)誘使馬政府放棄對釣魚台的「主權在我」原則。顯然,日本已看準了台灣的認同錯亂,試圖以漁權談判離間兩岸,重演一百多年來中國人鷸蚌相爭、日本人漁翁得利的戲碼。日本對我前倨後恭,實包藏禍心。

     按照兩岸各自的憲法,中國的「主權」只有一個,只是「治權」尚未統一。而釣魚台列嶼是中華民國的主權所及,豈可輕言放棄?現在日本既已否認了「主權爭議」的存在,我方若還對日侈談「擱置爭議」,或甚至與其協商「共同開發」(包括「漁權談判」),就等於出賣中華民國的領土主權。因此,在釣魚台問題上,面對一百多年來不斷侵略中國的日本,兩岸中國人應擱置彼此間的「治權」爭議,團結起來,共同開發雙方共有的「主權」權益!

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