Tsai Ing-wen: Seize Opportunity to Promote Cross-Strait Mutual Prosperity

Tsai Ing-wen: Seize Opportunity to Promote Cross-Strait Mutual Prosperity
China Times editorial (Taipei, Taiwan, ROC)
A Translation
July 22, 2013 

Summary: The ruling and opposition parties on Taiwan must reach a consensus. Otherwise genuine reconciliation between Taiwan and the Mainland will be impossible. Both sides must benefit and prosper. The Blue Camp alone cannot ensure cross-Strait communication. DPP cross-Strait policy reform must not be an election ploy. It affects the future of Taiwan. As a DPP candidate, Tsai Ing-wen must act in her own interest, and in Taiwan's interest as well. She must bear the heavy burden of DPP policy reform.

Full text below:

Former DPP Chairman Tsai Ing-wen recently invited Mainland Chinese scholar Cao Yuanzheng to visit Taiwan to discuss the RMB issue. She referred to the discussion as "Understanding China [sic] from a Professional Perspective." She deliberately used the term "China" instead of "Mainland China." She was fearful people would conclude that the DPP was "colluding" with the CCP. One thing is certain. The DPP and CCP may not be conducting normalized exchanges in the foreseeable future. But Tsai Ing-wen has at least held out the possibility of bridge-building. This will be of crucial importance, both to the future of Taiwan, and to the future of the DPP.

Cross-Strait relations have long been the DPP's Achilles Heel. Previous DPP elders have attempted to change DPP thought. But all they did was get themselves expelled from the party. The DPP has clung to its Taiwan Independence Party Platform. Every word, every deed, reeks with hatred for "China," i.e., Mainland China. This may delight Deep Green extremists. But it has never gained the trust of swing voters. Worse still, it has frightened away economically motivated voters. The Democratic Progressive Party lost the presidential election last year, by a three percent margin. The key to its defeat was the DPP's cross-Strait policy.

The DPP faces a turning point. As a presidential candidate, Tsai Ing-wen must be deeply concerned. In her concession speech she said the DPP "lost during the home stretch." She was even more blunt in the DPP's follow up election defeat report. "The DPP has long faced an extremely tough problem -- how to deal with [Mainland] China. How to deal with cross-Strait issues more energetically and capably. Only by doing so can the DPP gain the pubilc trust." The DPP has only recently acknowledged this problem. Can it gain the ROC electorate's trust? The most important precondition is a robust cross-Strait policy acceptable to the Mainland side.

Unfortunately, after last year election loss, the DPP refused to follow Tsai Ing-wen's course. Instead it resolved that once Su Tseng-chang took office in 2016, it must aggressively solicit the support of Taiwan independence extremists. Everyone looked forward to the DPP's formation of a long-awaited "China Affairs Committee." But the newly formed committee was restricted to policy research and forbidden to communicate with the Mainland. Frank Hsieh visited the Mainland last September, on his "ice-breaking journey." He proposed a "shared constitutional consensus." But Su Tseng-chang slapped Hsieh down, saying that Hsieh "was not speaking for the DPP." This ended further discussion within the party.

We can be thankful for one thing. The DPP may have no intention of taking the lead in cross-Strait policy reform. But cross-Strait policy is too important. Even within the Green Camp, Su cannot single-handedly lay down the law. Su's path is conservative. Frank Hsieh by contrast, has visited the Mainland twice this year. He has conversed directly with Taiwan Affairs Office Director Zhang Zhijun.

Tsai Ing-wen falls somewhere between Su and Hsieh. She does not reject exchanges. But so far she has avoided dialogue with Mainland officials responsible for Taiwan affairs. Her "Xiaoying Foundation" has invited scholars from the Mainland to visit Taiwan. She wants swing voters to know she is not a Taiwan independence extremist. She is letting the Mainland know where she stands, and is keeping open channels of communication.

Tsai Ing-wen is seeking progress amidst stabilty. But she must do more. Tsai Ing-wen is likely to run for president in 2016. By then, Tsai and Beijing must have established channels of communication. They must have a basis for mutual trust. More importantly, they must prevent miscalculations. The best and fastest way to build trust with the Mainland is for Tsai Ing-wen to visit. As Tsai Ing-wen has stressed, "Cross-strait issues cannot be solved by sitting at home. To deal with cross-Strait issues, we must understand the Chinese mainland. To understand the Chinese mainland, we must interact with it." Tsai Ing-wen is interested in "Letting grass-roots party members better understand the Mainland individually." Party members should strive to better understand the Mainland. This is especially true for Tsai Ing-wen, who could become the nation's leader.

The DPP and the CPP are communicating. Frank Hsieh has been leading the way. He and senior Mainland officials have dialogued with each other, and confronted each other. They have not been accused of "selling out Taiwan." They have instead been perceived as partners in dialogue. Elders have blazed the way. Cross-Strait exchanges are nothing to fear. Tsai and Hsieh are friendly with each other. If Tsai Ing-wen wants to improve communications with the Mainland, she can be assured of Frank Hsieh's support.

Take another matter, cross-Strait economic and trade policy. Tsai Ing-wen must jettison her overly cautious demeanor. Three years ago, Ma Ying-jeou and Tsai Ing-wen took part in a major debate over ECFA. Tsai Ing-wen said the DPP would approach the Chinese mainland only in step with the rest of the world. She criticized the KMT for approaching the Chinese mainalnd before the rest of the world, arguing that the risk was too high.

Three years later, the two sides have signed TISA. Recently the ROC and New Zealand signed a trade and economic cooperation agreement. This was the first time the ROC has ever signed a cooperation agreement with a nation with which it lacks diplomatic ties. The ROC is also about to sign an agreement with Singapore, another nation with which it lacks diplomatic ties. Last month the Economist affirmed the rightness of the ROC's direction. Ma administration policies are working, across the Strait and around the the world. Tsai Ing-wen vowed to let the ROC join the world. Ma Ying-jeou exposed the fallacy of Tsai Ing-wen's "globalization without the Chinese mainland." It defied global trends and was strategically unfavorable to Taiwan.

Former National Security Council Secretary-General Su Chi put it well. The ruling and opposition parties on Taiwan must reach a consensus. Otherwise genuine reconciliation between Taiwan and the Mainland will be impossible. Both sides must benefit and prosper. The Blue Camp alone cannot ensure cross-Strait communication. DPP cross-Strait policy reform must not be an election ploy. It affects the future of Taiwan. As a DPP candidate, Tsai Ing-wen must act in her own interest, and in Taiwan's interest as well. She must bear the heavy burden of DPP policy reform.
   
中時電子報 新聞
中國時報 　2013.07.22
社論－蔡英文應掌握兩岸互利共榮的契機
本報訊

    　民進黨前主席蔡英文日前邀請大陸重量級學者曹遠征討論人民幣議題，她雖然刻意定調為「從專業了解中國」，不願有民共交流的聯想；但可以確定的是，即使民共交流常態化遙遙無期，但蔡英文對於建立起兩岸溝通橋梁，至少保留了些許想像空間，這一點對台灣的未來、民進黨的未來，都攸關重要。

    　兩岸關係向來是民進黨的罩門，過去，多位有意努力促成轉型的大老，最後都落到壯烈退黨的下場；民進黨死抱台獨黨綱、一言一行無不仇中的結果是，他們雖討好了深綠陣營，但是卻無法得到中間選民的信任，更嚇跑了關鍵的經濟選民；換言之，民進黨在去年總統大選以百分之三的差距功敗垂成，最重要的關鍵就是民進黨的兩岸政策。

    　對於這樣的戲劇性轉折，作為總統候選人的蔡英文想必感受深刻，她在發表敗選感言時坦承，民進黨正是「輸在最後一哩路」，接下來，更透過民進黨的敗選報告中直言，「民進黨在過去以致到將來，都要面對一個很嚴酷問題，就是要如何面對中國大陸，要如何加強處理兩岸問題的能量與能力，才會得到社會對民進黨的信賴。」可以說，民進黨到此時才認知到，是否得到台灣選民的信任，最重要的條件是一個穩健、對岸可以接受的兩岸政策。

    　遺憾的是，民進黨在去年敗選之後，並未延續蔡英文的路線，志在二○一六的蘇貞昌上任後，為了鞏固黨權，積極拉攏黨內獨派，各界期盼的民進黨中國事務委員會千呼萬喚始出來，卻只能政策研究而無交流功能；謝長廷去年九月赴陸進行破冰之旅，提出憲法共識，蘇貞昌一句「不能代表民進黨」，就將黨內討論的契機完全打斷。

    　值得慶幸的是，現在的民進黨雖然無意成為兩岸轉型的領頭羊，但兩岸政策太重要了，即使是綠營，也不是蘇貞昌個人說了算。相對於蘇貞昌的保守路線，謝長廷今年二度赴陸，直接與國台辦主任張志軍等人對話。

    　蔡英文則介於蘇謝之間，她並不排斥交流，但至目前為止，仍迴避與涉台事務官員對話，而是以「小英基金會」的名義邀請大陸重量級學者來台，不但讓中間選民知道她不是死硬台獨，也趁機向對岸表態，保留未來溝通的可能。

    　蔡英文的作法雖然是穩定中有進展，但仍可再進一步。蔡英文角逐二○一六大位的可能性不低，屆時，蔡英文團隊和北京之間，一定要能建立起溝通管道，更要有互信基礎，以免遇事誤判，而和對岸建立互信管道，最好最快的方法，就是蔡英文訪陸，一來，正如蔡英文曾經強調的，「處理兩岸問題不是坐在家裡想要怎麼處理，要處理兩岸問題必需要了解中國大陸，要了解中國大陸必須要在互動中去了解。」蔡英文更有意「讓黨員與基層可以去更了解對岸」，黨員都該親自到對岸深入了解，更何況有機會成為國家領導人的蔡英文！

    　如今，民共交流的路途中，前方已有謝長廷帶路，他和對岸高層官員對話、交鋒，不但完全沒有出賣台灣的疑慮，更被視為可以對話的對手，前方已有大老先行，兩岸交流實不足懼，而且，蔡謝關係友好，蔡英文若有意和對岸加強交流，可以放心的任由謝長廷作後盾。

    　另一方面，兩岸經貿政策方面，蔡英文也必須擺脫過度謹慎的特性。猶記得三年前馬英九與蔡英文那一場ＥＣＦＡ大辯論中，蔡英文表示，民進黨是跟著世界一齊走向中國大陸，她批評國民黨是透過大陸走向世界，風險太高。

    　事隔三年，在兩岸簽訂服貿協定後，日前，台灣與紐西蘭簽訂經濟貿易合作協定，這是第一次有非邦交國與台灣簽合作協定，另一個非邦交國新加坡的簽約時程也箭在弦上，上一期的《經濟學人》肯定，馬政府從兩岸到世界的政策似乎奏效，而且，自許要讓台灣走向世界的蔡英文，也不能落入馬英九的口實，只要「沒有中國大陸的全球化」，這絕對是違反世界潮流、也對台灣不利的戰略。

    　前國安會祕書長蘇起說得好，台灣的朝野如果不能達成共識，兩岸之間不可能真正和解，兩岸要能互利共榮，不可能在藍營獨握兩岸溝通之鑰下完成；可以說，民進黨的兩岸轉型不只是選舉策略而已，也攸關台灣的未來，身為民進黨內的政治人物，蔡英文就算不為了她自己，為了台灣，也必須擔下轉型的重責。