Taipei an Asset not a Liability in Beijing-Washington Relations

Taipei an Asset not a Liability in Beijing-Washington Relations
China Times editorial (Taipei, Taiwan, Republic of China)
A Translation
September 25, 2013

Summary: Win-win, and win-win-win, should be the common goal. Beijing-Washington-Taipei relations can become a force for good. The Ma administration must consider other possibilities and adopt concrete measures. It must turn concepts into policies. This is the only responsible approach.

Full text below:

Mainland Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi, who is currently in the U.S., has mentioned the "Taiwan issue" several times. First, he said that the "Taiwan issue" is manageable. Secondly, he said Beijing hopes Washington understands and respects the Chinese mainland's opposition to separatism. Beijing is committed to peaceful reunification. It hopes to transform the Taiwan issue from a liability to an asset in Sino-US relations. It wants peace not war, cooperation not confrontation, and communications not isolation. He said this is the shared aspiration of people on both sides of the Strait. His remarks were brief but exhaustive.

Minister Wang Yi's remarks may have been directed at Washington. But they also reflect the Beijing authorities' assessment of the current international situation and cross-Strait situation, as well as his own. They even suggest the possibility of a future cross-Strait, trilateral relationship. They reveal Beijing's rational and pragmatic side. Clearly the Beijing authorities have no intention of seeking confrontation with Washington over international and cross-strait issues. Beijing even expressed the hope that Washington and Taipei could take benign interaction as their point of departure, and allow the three parties to interact in a positive manner. This is good news indeed.

Beijing is enaged in Big Power diplomacy with Washington, Brussels, and Tokyo. But it has not neglected relations with developing countries and neighboring countries. It continues to promote its Peaceful Neighbor, Good Neighbor, and Enrich Thy Neighbor policies. It continues to establish partnerships with these countries. Beijing genuinely desires a stable international and domestic environment. It wants to pursue economic growth. It wants to buy time to resolve its myriad internal problems. Beijing may want to reduce U.S. influence in the Asian Pacific region. But it has no intention of driving the United States out of Asia. Beijing has no intention of taking on the role of troublemaker.

Wang Yi's remarks show that Beijing understands the intricacies of the "Taiwan issue." In the short run, the Taiwan issue cannot be resolved. Pulling on the shoots in an effort to achieve short term results will only be counterproductive. Realistically, Beijing's control is limited. It has no wish to let the situation get out of hand. Both sides have bigger fish to fry. They have more urgent problems and common interests to address. Beijing does not want to complicate relations with Washington. Any confrontation would only lead to a lose-lose outcome. Nor would Taipei necessarily benefit from any Beijing-Washington confrontation.

Taipei has also long abandoned any zero sum game strategy to undermine Beijing-Washington relations. Taipei realizes that such a strategy would not be in Taipei's interests. A stable Beijing-Washington relationship is consistent with the interests of all parties in the region. The most important thing is to prevent accidents. President Ma said Taipei wants to be a responsible stakeholder, a peacemaker rather than a troublemaker. This means that for Beijing and Washington, Taipei is an asset rather than a liability.

Of course merely refraining from undermining the healthy development of Beijing-Washington relations is not enough. Taipei must seek an active role in the development of Beijing-Washington relations. Taipei must be willing and able to help. Beijing and Washington must adopt the proper posture. Taipei must not engage in wishful thinking. When Taipei considers its own interests, it must take into account the nation's general welfare and long-term development. In particular, it must avoid becoming a tool of foreign governments' attempting to contain the Chinese mainland.

When outside observers discuss Beijing-Washington, Washington-Taipei, and cross-Strait relations, they know that the trilateral and bilateral relationship is unequal. Taiwan's wariness and the Chinese mainland's caution are understandable. But Washington does want to see a different Chinese mainland. It wants to see a moderate, rational, reformist, free market, confident, anger-free Chinese mainland, that has joined the international community and accepted mainstream international values. Similarly, Washington hopes the two sides of the Strait will communicate, engage in long-term dialogue, reduce tensions, and strengthen exchanges. This is consistent with the long-term national interests of the United States.

Some blast the US for having hidden agendas. Some note that U.S. policy toward Mainland China contains internal contradictions. Mainland China's reforms and market opening mean it will eventually become strong, and inevitably challenge U.S. hegemony. Continued improvement in cross-Strait relations will reduce Taipei's vigilance, deepen mutual interdependence, and lead to eventual reunification. But Washington says it values process over results. During the process, Washington will naturally make whatever responses and preparations are necessary. Deductive logic and US rhetoric both call for a wait and see attitude. Time will tell.

Minister Wang Yi explained Beijing's strategic position. He said its policies would prove that it seeks cooperation, and that it has no intention of making trouble. As the saying goes, character determines destiny, vision determines direction. The direction of cross-Strait and trilateral relations is a matter of intent. Simply put, Taipei must seize the initiative. It must promote the development of improved Beijing-Washington relations. It must take on this role by itself. It must combine "Love of Taiwan" and the "China Dream." This is essential to the tripartite Beijing-Washington-Taipei relationship.

Win-win, and win-win-win, should be the common goal. Beijing-Washington-Taipei relations can become a force for good. The Ma administration must consider other possibilities and adopt concrete measures. It must turn concepts into policies. This is the only responsible approach.

社論－台灣是中美關係資產而非負債
稍後再讀
中國時報 本報訊 2013年09月25日 04:10

目前正在美國進行訪問的中國大陸外交部長王毅幾度提及所謂的台灣問題。首先，他表示，台灣問題目前是在可控制的範圍之內；其次，他更進一步強調，北京希望美方切實理解和尊重中國大陸反對分裂、致力和平統一的努力，要把台灣問題從中美關係中的負債變成資產，而要和平不要戰爭，要合作不要對抗，要交往不要隔絕已是兩岸人民共同的願望等等。言簡意賅、面面俱到。

客觀的來看，王毅部長的前述談話雖然是對美國所說，但已全盤反映出中國大陸當局和其本人對當前國際及兩岸局勢的判斷，甚至是對未來兩岸三邊關係的一種善意的期許，展現出北京理性、務實的一面。顯然，在國際及兩岸問題上，北京當局沒有與美國尋求對抗的意圖，中共甚至還主動的表達希望，期望華府或台北也能從良性交往的角度出發，讓三邊關係進入一個良性互動的局面。好事一樁。

根據了解，北京在和美國、歐盟、日本進行大國外交的同時，並未忽略對發展中國家及周邊國家的經營，其安鄰、睦鄰、富鄰的政策，和相關國家建立各種合作夥伴關係的作為都在持續的推動之中，中共確實需要一個安定的國際及國內環境，追求經濟成長，爭取時間來解決內部叢生的問題。北京即或想要降低美國在亞太地區的影響力，但無意把美國趕出亞洲。北京確實沒有主動惹事生非的意圖。

同樣的，王毅的談話中也顯示出，北京已然理解所謂的台灣問題錯綜複雜，不是短期內能夠得到解決，揠苗助長或急功近利只能壞事，中共只能務實的將問題控制在一定的範圍之內，至少中短期之內不要使情況失控，畢竟中美雙方都有更重要、更巨大、更迫切的問題和共同利益需要處理，不希望雙方再把事情搞得更為複雜，而對抗的結果只會造成雙輸的結果。中美對抗，台北也未必能夠因此得利。

與此相似的是，台灣也早就放棄破壞中美關係的零和心態和作法，台北應該已經理解，只要不是以台灣的利益為代價，一個穩定、良好的中美關係是符合所有各方及整個區域相關國家的共同利益，當前最重要的就是不要有任何意外出現。馬總統說，台灣要扮演一個負責任利害相關者的角色，台灣是一個和平的締造者，而非麻煩製造者，這就意味著對中美雙方而言，台灣其實是一個資產而非負債。

當然，如果只是消極的不破壞中美關係的良性發展其實是不夠的，台灣如何在中美關係發展的過程中，發揮主動而且積極的角色仍然有待進一步思考，這裡面不但牽涉到台灣的意願與能力問題，也和中國大陸及美國的態度與立場有關。台北一廂情願的想法與作法未必能夠成事，重要的是台灣在考慮自身利益的同時，要能兼顧民族的整體和長遠發展，尤其要避免成為外國牽制中國大陸發展的工具。

向來，外界在討論中美、美台、兩岸關係的時候，大家都知道這是一個不對等的三邊、雙邊關係，台灣的戒心與大陸的謹慎都可以理解，但美國確實是一直強調希望見到一個溫和、理性、改革、開放、具有安全感、心中沒有憤怒、融入國際社會、接受國際主流價值的中國；同樣的，美國也希望兩岸能夠透過長期的溝通、對話，降低緊張，加強互動與往來，因為唯有如此才最符合美國長遠的國家利益。

有人從邏輯推理的角度出發，痛斥美國包藏禍心，有人指出美國的對華政策有其內在的矛盾，因為一個改革開放的中國終將變得強大，必然會挑戰美國的霸權；而兩岸關係的持續改善將會降低台灣的心防，加深兩岸的相互依賴，將使統一成為無可避免的趨勢，但是美方的論辯則是，華府重視的是過程而非結果，在這個過程中，美國自然會順勢做出應有的因應和準備。不管是邏輯推理還是美方論辯，都有待將來的發展驗證了。

王毅部長從戰略高度出發說明北京的基本立場，接著由策略作為表明其追求合作，無意生事的態度。俗話說，格局決定結局，視野指引方向，將來兩岸三邊關係的何去何從，其實就在一念之間。簡單的說，台灣應化被動為主動，把自己轉變成為促進中美關係發展、自己一併發展的新角色。如何把台灣情與中國夢成功的結合起來，這樣的正面能量才是中美及台灣三方都極為需要的。

雙贏、三贏、多贏應該是我們共同追求的理想與目標，中美台三方確實都可以發揮正面的力量，馬政府當局更應該進一步的構思，採取具體措施，把概念化為行動與政策，這才是負責任的作法。