China Times Editorial (Taipei, Taiwan, ROC)
A Translation
August 30, 2016
Executive Summary: Tsai Ing-wen realizes her public support has plummeted. Recently, during a press conference, she attempted to immunize herself. She urged the media and the public not to judge her by her first 100 days in office. Some commentators however reminded Tsai Ing-wen that she took to the streets and demanded that Ma Ying-jeou step down after a mere 100 days in office. They noted her double standard. That said, she was not entirely wrong.
Full Text Below:
Tsai Ing-wen has been in office only 100 days, yet her halo has been nearly totally tarnished. Why? This newspaper has published a four part editorial series entitled "Exploring the New Government's Dilemma". We hope the new government will consider our views and suggestions. The first three parts amounted to a medical history. Part One was “Old Problems Remain Unsolved, New Problems Have Been Created”. Part Two was “Politics Uber Alles, Pressure Groups Rule, the Nation Imperiled”. Part Three was “Cross-Strait Relations and the Economy: The President Must Face Reality”. Part Four, the last part, offers a prescription for what ails the patient. The cure is simple. But it is not easy – pragmatism and realism. The government and the public both need to be more pragmatic and realistic.
Tsai Ing-wen realizes her public support has plummeted. Recently, during a press conference, she attempted to immunize herself. She urged the media and the public not to judge her by her first 100 days in office. Some commentators however reminded Tsai Ing-wen that she took to the streets and demanded that Ma Ying-jeou step down after a mere 100 days in office. They noted her double standard. That said, she was not entirely wrong.
Since full democratization, presidents have apparently enjoyed "power without responsibility". But in fact "orders have trouble making it out of the Presidential Office". The powers and responsibilities of the Presidential Office, the Premier, the Legislative Yuan, and the DPP Central Committee are intertwined. Coordination is difficult. Public hopes are dashed, time and again. The president cannot escape blame, cannot avoid being scolded, cannot avoid demands to step down. Do constitutional institutions and democratic practices face difficulties on Taiwan? Taiwan faces three major structural problems. Problem One. A disadvantageous international environment. The global economy is troubled. Even democracies are encountering problems. Taiwan is caught in the flood waters. It can do nothing. Problem Two. Cross-Strait relations have not been dealt with properly. This has weakened our already weak economy, and our already weak relations with foreign governments. Problem Three. Runaway domestic criticism and anger. Those in office must accept blame even when it is impossible for them to get anything done. Blue or green makes no difference.
The cure for these ills is pragmatism and realism. Prescription One is a pragmatic approach, one that empathizes with the structural difficulties faced by Tsai Ing-wen. Criticism of the government should not inflict pain, but cure disease. After all, a failed president does not mean a successful Taiwan. Tsai Ing-wen's success or failure will help or hurt the people of Taiwan. Empathy for those in office, does not mean forsaking oversight. It merely means encouraging constructive oversight. Criticism can be harsh, but it must be factual. Ineptitude warrants blame, but when the government does something right, it also warrants praise.
This is not an excuse for those in office to shirk responsibility or rationalize failure. Structural problems are beyond the ability of temporary leaders to deal with. They may not be able to improve them. But at least they must not worsen them. Tsai Ing-wen cannot shirk responsibility. Over the past 100 days, the new government has failed to produce results. Tsai's critics are not wrong.
Prescription Two concerns President Tsai Ing-wen individually. She must realistically assess the situation, enable cross-Strait reconciliation, and end ruling vs. opposition party confrontation. On cross-Strait relations, the Mainland has certain expectations. The new government has not budged an inch. It needs to show the Mainland that it is sincere about seeking consensus. It also needs to end its electioneering. The election is over. It is high time the new government began governing the nation.
Tsai Ing-wen faces blue camp outrage, red camp suspicion, and green camp discontent. She is being attacked on three sides. Tsai Ing-wen must realize that Taiwan has undergone years of “democratic civil war”, replete with blue vs. green battles. The people look forward to a truce. Yet immediately upon taking office, Tsai Ing-wen raised the banner of "party assets", and "transitional justice". Swinging these swords and wreaking havoc upon the Kuomintang was a major blunder. It intensified social unrest, worsened her governance, and diminished her desire for reform. Tsai Ing-wen must "lay down her sword, and immediately seek reconciliation". Otherwise her regime will know no peace.
Red camp suspicions are the second obstacle that she must overcome. When commenting on cross-Strait matters, Tsai Ing-wen avoids provocative rhetoric. That is all well and good. But merely avoiding a negative is not enough.
Taiwan rests on its economy. The economy rests on cross-Strait relations. The impetus for Tsai Ing-wen's reforms is of course to improve people's lives. Improving people's lives requires economic prosperity. Without cross-Strait relations, there can be no economic prosperity. This is something Tsai Ing-wen must acknowledge. She must take immediate action. All three editorials stressed this point.
The final problem, ironically, is green camp discontent. Tsai Ing-wen wants to move to the center. But the centrist path is rough going. Her “centrist/Chinese" path is blocked. The deep greens, meanwhile, are in hot pursuit. Tsai Ing-wen has arrived at a political crossroads. She must be resolute. She must step up her pace. She must not cling to the deep greens and retreat. The deep greens want nothing more than to hunt down the blue camp, to oppose and eliminate Taiwan's inherently Chinese nature. If Tsai Ing-wen allows herself to be hijacked by deep green ideologues, she will take Taiwan down with her.
The third and final prescription is pragmatism and realism. In fact, it is the very thing President Tsai spoke of upon her election victory – "humility, humility, and more humility". Unfortunately, the DPP failed to receive President Tsai's memo. No wonder Tuan Yi-kang made a slip of the tongue and revealed his contempt for the voters. Only humility can end ruling vs opposition party conflict, and enable cross-Strait reconciliation. Only humility will enable Tsai Ing-wen to regain public confidence. Only humility can persuade the public to give Tsai Ing-wen more time.
務實與現實 解聲望重挫之危
2016/8/30 中國時報
蔡英文上任短短百天，光環幾乎磨耗殆盡，何以至此？本報以「探究新政府執政困境」為系列，連續發表4篇社論，希望對新政府有所針砭與建言。前3篇提出病歷分析，分別點出了〈舊問題未解決，又製造更多新問題〉、〈政治掛帥公民團體治國，國危矣〉、〈兩岸與經濟，蔡總統要面對現實〉三大病灶。總結篇將針對病灶開出藥方，這個藥說來簡單，做起來不簡單，就是五個字：「務實與現實」，政府與人民都要務實，更要現實。
蔡英文知道自己民意支持度快速滑落，日前與媒體茶敘時先打預防針，希望媒體與社會不要以百日評斷她的執政得失，雖然有論者質疑她，在馬英九就職百日時，就曾經舉辦嗆聲大遊行要馬英九下台，真可謂今是昨非，標準不一。但我們仍要指出，她這句話本身並非完全錯誤。
從完全民主化後，歷任民選總統看似「有權無責」，實則「令難出總統府」，總統、行政院、立法院、黨中央權責相互纏繞、協調困難。但民眾期待殷切，過度期待與一再失望的結果，所有總統都難逃脫「挨罵」、遭詛咒「下台」宿命，台灣的憲政體制與民主實踐是否出現問題？此外，台灣正面對三大結構性困局，一是國際大環境面不佳，全球經濟困頓，連民主政治的運行也普遍遭遇難題，台灣身陷洪流，確有難為；二是，兩岸關係未能理順，以致台灣經濟內在無力、外在失調，惡劣情勢更添霜雪；三是，國內過度批評的氛圍、遍地的憤怒，讓執政者動輒得咎，當家做不了事，成了不分藍綠的共業。
「務實與現實」藥方的第一道藥料，是以務實的態度、以同理心去理解蔡英文所面臨的結構性困境。針砭政府不是為了刺其肌骨，而是為了對症治疾，終究，一個失敗的總統不會帶來成功的台灣。蔡英文的治理成敗將直接澤及或殃及全台灣的人民。對執政者存同理心，不是放棄監督，而是鼓勵「建設性的監督」，批評可以犀利，但需依據事實；執政之非固應責難，但若有做對的地方，也當肯定。
然而，也要嚴正指出，這不是要給執政者推卸責任的空間、合理化失能的藉口。結構性的困難，固然有超越領導人一時能力的難為處，但如何面對結構性困境，努力改善，或至少不要惡化困境，卻是蔡英文無可推託的責任，就此而言，過去百日，新政府交出的成績是不及格的，外界的責難並沒有錯。
「務實與現實」的第二道藥料，是針對蔡英文總統，就是要以現實的態度審時度勢，落實兩岸和解、朝野罷鬥。對大陸堅持的兩岸關係性質問題，我方在堅持己見之餘，也要展現願意與大陸共同管控歧異、謀求共識的誠意，對內也要結束「選舉動員時期」，真正進入「執政狀態」。
蔡英文正面對了藍憤怒、紅不信、綠不滿的三面夾擊，但蔡英文要知道，台灣經歷多年民主內戰，藍綠惡鬥，全民期待休兵之心甚殷甚切，蔡英文一上台就旗幟鮮明揮動「黨產」、「轉型正義」兩柄大刀痛斬國民黨，實是一大失策。激化了社會不安，同時深化了她的治理困境，增加她的改革阻力。蔡英文必須「放下軍刀，立地和解」，否則她的執政必然難有寧日。
「紅不信」是蔡英文第二道要解的鎖。在兩岸的發言上，蔡英文不挑釁的消極自制固可肯定，但在積極創造互信的一面，卻顯然不足。
經濟是台灣之基，兩岸是經濟之本。蔡英文所有的改革能量，源頭當然就是人民生活要改善，而人民生活的改善，非經濟不為功，無兩岸不為果，這是蔡英文必須深切認知，並立刻採取行動者，也是系列三社論所強調的觀點。
三火之中，最末節部分反而是「綠不滿」，蔡英文執政最大的希望就是向中間移動，但最大的困境，也是這個「中間進程」顯然不順利，使得她「『中』路不通，『綠』追於後」。這是蔡英文的政治十字路，但在這十字路上，反而要堅定意志，加大步伐向中間之路邁進，決不可走擁抱深綠的回頭路。深綠要的無非就是加大追剿藍營、去中反中，這不啻是要蔡英文在深綠的意識型態綁架下，帶著台灣一起陪葬。
最後一道藥料，則是態度的「務實與現實」，其實也就是蔡總統在勝選時說的「謙卑、謙卑、再謙卑」，可惜的是，民進黨並沒有打從心底落實蔡總統的「謙卑令」，才會有段宜康「鄙視選民」的失言。只有落實謙卑，朝野罷鬥，兩岸和解，蔡英文才能贏回人民的信心，贏回人民願意給蔡英文更多一點時間的同理心。
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